The Turner Diaries
October 28, 1993. Just back from more than a month
in Baltimore-what's left of it. I and four others from here hauled a batch
of portable radioactivity-metering equipment up to Silver Spring, where we
linked up with a Maryland unit and continued north to the vicinity of
Baltimore. Since the main roads were totally impassable, we had to walk
across country more than halfway, commandeering a truck for only the last
dozen miles.
Although more than two weeks had passed since
the bombing, the state of affairs around Baltimore was almost
indescribably chaotic when we arrived. We didn't even try to go into the
burnedout core of the city, but even in the suburbs and countryside 10
miles west of ground zero, half the buildings had burned. Even the
secondary roads in and around the suburbs were littered with the burned
hulks of vehicles, and nearly everyone we encountered was on
foot.
Groups of scavengers were everywhere, poking through
ruined stores, foraging in the fields with backpacks, carrying bundles of
looted or salvaged goods-mostly food, but also clothing, building
materials, and everything else imaginable-to and fro like an army of
ants.
And the corpses! They were another good reason for
staying away from the roads as much as possible. Even in the areas where
relatively few people were killed by the initial blast or by subsequent
radiation sickness, the corpses were strewn along the roads by the
thousands. They were nearly all refugees from the blast
area.
Close to the city one saw the bodies of those who had
been badly burned by the fireball; most of them had not been able to walk
more than a mile or so before they collapsed. Further out were those who
had been less seriously burned. And far out into the countryside were the
corpses of those who had succumbed to radiation days or weeks later. All
had been left to rot where they fell, except in those few areas where the
military had restored a semblance of order.
We had at that
time only about 40 Organization members among the survivors in the
Baltimore area. They had been engaged in sabotage, sniping, and other
guerrilla efforts against the police and military personnel there during
the first week after the blast. Then they gradually discovered that the
rules of the game had changed.
They found out that it was
no longer necessary to operate as furtively as they had before. The
System's troops returned their fire when attacked, but did not pursue
them. Outside a few areas, the police no longer attempted to undertake
systematic searches of persons and vehicles, and there were no house
raids. The attitude almost seemed to be, "Don't bother us, and we won't
bother you."
The civilian survivors also tended to take a
much more nearly neutral attitude than before. There was fear of the
Organization, but very little overt expression of hostility. The people
did not know whether we were the ones who had fired the missile which
destroyed their city, as the System broadcasts claimed, but they seemed
about as disposed to blame the System for letting it happen as us for
doing it.
The holocaust through which the people up there
had passed had clearly convinced them quite thoroughly of one thing: the
System could no longer guarantee their security. They no longer had even a
trace of confidence in the old order; they merely wanted to survive now,
and they would turn to anyone who could help them stay alive a while
longer.
Sensing this changed attitude, our members had
begun recruiting and organizing among the survivors around Baltimore in
semi-public fashion and meeting with sufficient success that Revolutionary
Command authorized the attempt to establish a small liberated zone west of
the city.
The 11 of us who had come up from
the Washington suburbs to help pitched in with enthusiasm, and within a
few days we had established a reasonably defensible perimeter enclosing
about 2,000 houses and other buildings with a total of nearly 12,000
occupants. My principal function was to carry out a radiological survey of
the soil, the buildings, the local vegetation, and the water sources in
the area, so that we could be sure of freedom from dangerous levels of
nuclear radiation resulting from fallout.
We organized
about 300 of the locals into a fairly effective militia and provided them
with arms. It would be risky at this stage to try to arm a bigger militia
than that, because we haven't had an opportunity to ideologically
condition the local population to the extent we'd like, and they still
require close observation and tight supervision. But we picked the best
prospects among the able-bodied males in the enclave, and we do have quite
a bit of experience in picking people. I'll not be surprised if half our
new militiamen eventually graduate to membership in the Organization, and
some will probably even be admitted to the Order.
Yes, I
think that, by and large, we can count on our new recruits. There's still
a great deal of basically sound human material left in this country,
despite the widespread moral corruption. After all, that corruption has
been produced largely by the instilling of an alien ideology and an alien
set of values in a people disoriented by an unnatural and spiritually
unhealthy life-style. The hell they're going through now is at least
knocking some of the foolishness out of them and leaving them quite a bit
more receptive to a correct world view than they were
before.
Our first task was to weed out and eliminate the
alien elements and the race criminals from the new enclave. It's
astounding how many dark, kinky-haired Middle Easterners have invaded this
country in the last decade. I believe they have taken over every
restaurant and hot dog stand in Maryland. We must have shot at least a
dozen Iranians, just in our little suburban enclave, and twice that many
escaped when they realized what was happening.
Then we
formed the people into labor brigades to carry out a number of necessary
functions, one of which was the sanitary disposal of the hundreds of
corpses of refugees. The majority of these poor creatures were White, and
I overheard one of our members refer to what happened to them as "a
slaughter of the innocents."
I am not sure that is a
correct description of the recent holocaust. I am sorry, of course, for
the millions of White people, both here and in Russia, who died-and who
have yet to die before we have finished-in this war to rid ourselves of
the Jewish yoke. But innocents? I think not. Certainly, that term should
not be applied to the majority of the adults.
After all, is
not man essentially responsible for his condition- at least, in a
collective sense? If the White nations of the world had not allowed
themselves to become subject to the Jew, to Jewish ideas, to the Jewish
spirit, this war would not be necessary. We can hardly consider ourselves
blameless. We can hardly say we had no choice, no chance to avoid the
Jew's snare. We can hardly say we were not warned.
Men of
wisdom, integrity, and courage have warned us over and over again of the
consequences of our folly. And even after we were well down the Jewish
primrose path, we had chance after chance to save ourselves-most recently
52 years ago, when the Germans and the Jews were locked in struggle for
the mastery of central and eastern Europe.
We ended up on
the Jewish side in that struggle, primarily because we had chosen corrupt
men as our leaders. And we had chosen corrupt leaders because we valued
the wrong things in life. We had chosen leaders who promised us something
for nothing; who pandered to our weaknesses and vices; who had nice stage
personalities and pleasant smiles, but who were without character or
scruple. We ignored the really important issues in our national life and
gave free rein to a criminal System to conduct the affairs of our nation
as it saw fit, so long as it kept us moderately well-supplied with bread
and circuses.
And are not folly, willful ignorance,
laziness, greed, irresponsibility, and moral timidity as blameworthy as
the most deliberate malice? Are not all our sins of omission to be counted
against us as heavily as the Jew's sins of commission against him? In the
Creator's account book, that is the way things are reckoned. Nature does
not accept "good" excuses in lieu of performance. No race which neglects
to insure its own survival, when the means for that survival are at hand,
can be judged "innocent," nor can the penalty exacted against it be
considered unjust, no matter how severe.
Immediately after
our success in California this summer, in my dealings with the civilian
population there I had it thoroughly impressed on me why the American
people do not deserve to be considered "innocents." Their reaction to the
civil strife there was based almost solely on the way it affected their
own private circumstances. For the first day or two-before it dawned on
most people that we might actually win-the White civilians, even racially
conscious ones, were generally hostile; we were messing up their
life-style and making their customary pursuit of pleasure terribly
inconvenient.
Then, after they learned to fear us, they
were all too eager to please us. But they weren't really interested in the
rights and wrongs of the struggle; they couldn't be bothered with
soul-searching and long-range considerations. Their attitude was: "Just
tell us what we're supposed to believe, and we'll believe it." They just
wanted to be safe and comfortable again as soon as possible. And they
weren't being cynical; they weren't jaded sophisticates, but ordinary
people.
The fact is that the ordinary people are not really
much less culpable than the not-so-ordinary people, than the pillars of
the System. Take the political police, as an example. Most of them- the
White ones-are not especially evil men. They serve evil masters, but they
rationalize what they do; they justify it to themselves, some in patriotic
terms ("protecting our free and democratic way of life") and some in
religious or ideological terms ("upholding Christian ideals of equality
and justice").
One can call them hypocrites-one can point
out that they deliberately avoid thinking about anything which might call
into question the validity of the shallow catch-phrases with which they
justify themselves-but is not everyone who has tolerated the System also a
hypocrite, whether he actively supported it or not? Is not everyone who
mindlessly parrots the same catch-phrases, refusing to examine their
implications and contradictions, whether he uses them as justifications
for his deeds or not, also to be blamed?
I cannot think of
any segment of White society, from the Maryland red-necks and their
families whose radioactive bodies we bulldozed into a huge pit a few days
ago to the university professors we strung up in Los Angeles last July,
which can truly claim that it did not deserve what happened to it. It was
not so many months ago that nearly all those who are wandering homeless
and bemoaning their fate today were talking from the other side of their
mouths.
Not a few of our people have been badly roughed up
in the past-and two that I know of were killed-when they fell into the
hands of red-necks - "good ol' boys" who, although not liberals or shabbos
goyim in any way, had no use for "radicals" who wanted to "overthrow the
gummint." In their case it was sheer ignorance.
But
ignorance of that sort is no more excusable than the bleating, sheeplike
liberalism of the pseudo-intellectuals who have smugly promoted Jewish
ideology for so many years; or than the selfishness and cowardice of the
great American middle class who went along for the ride, complaining only
when their pocketbooks suffered.
No, talk of "innocents"
has no meaning. We must look at our situation collectively, in a race-wide
sense. We must understand that our race is like a cancer patient
undergoing drastic surgery in order to save his life. There is no sense in
asking whether the tissue being cut out now is "innocent" or not. That is
no more reasonable than trying to distinguish the "good" Jews from the bad
ones-or, as some of our thicker-skulled "good ol' boys" still insist on
trying, separating the "good niggers" from the rest of their
race.
The fact is that we are all responsible, as
individuals, for the morals and the behavior of our race as a whole. There
is no evading that responsibility, in the long run, any more for the
members of our own race than for those of other races, and each of us
individually must be prepared to be called to account for that
responsibility at any time. In these days many are being
called.
But the enemy is also paying a price. He's still
got a grip on things here, more or less, but he's just about finished
outside North America. Although the government is blocking most of the
foreign news from the networks here, we have been receiving clandestine
reports from our overseas units and also monitoring the European news
broadcasts.
Within 24 hours after we hit Tel Aviv and
half-a-dozen other Israeli targets last month, hundreds of thousands of
Arabs were swarming across the borders of occupied Palestine. Most of them
were civilians, armed only with knives or clubs, and Jewish border guards
mowed down thousands of them, until their ammunition was exhausted. The
Arabs' hatred, pent up for 45 years, drove them on-across mine fields,
through Jewish machine-gun fire, and into the radioactive chaos of burning
cities, their single thought being to slay the people who had stolen their
land, killed their fathers, and humiliated them for two generations.
Within a week the throat of the last Jewish survivor in the last kibbutz
and in the last, smoking ruin in Tel Aviv had been
cut.
News from the Soviet Union is very scanty, but the
reports are that the Russian survivors have dealt with the Jews there in
much the same way. In the ruins of Moscow and Leningrad during the first
few days the people rounded up all the Jews they could get their hands on
and hurled them into burning buildings or onto burning heaps of
debris.
And anti-Jewish riots have broken out in London,
Paris, Brussels, Rotterdam, Bucharest, Buenos Aires, Johannesburg, and
Sydney. The governments of France and the Netherlands, both rotten to the
core with Jewish corruption, have fallen, and the people are settling
scores in the towns and villages throughout those
countries.
It's the sort of thing which happened time after
time during the Middle Ages, of course-every time the people had finally
had heir fill of the Jews and their tricks. Unfortunately, they never
finished the job, and they won't this time either. I'm sure the Jews are
already making their plans for a comeback, as soon as the people have
calmed down and forgotten. The people have such short
memories.
But we won't forget! That alone is enough to
insure that history will not repeat itself. No matter how long it takes us
and no matter to what lengths we must go, we'll demand a final settlement
of the account between our two races. If the Organization survives this
contest, no Jew will-anywhere. We'll go to the uttermost ends of the earth
to hunt down the last of Satan's spawn.
The organizational
principles we are using in Maryland are a bit different from those used in
California, because the situations are different. Here, unlike southern
California, there are neither natural, geographical barriers nor a ring of
government troops to separate our enclave from its
surroundings.
Of course, we did what we could to make up
for this lack. We chose a perimeter, in the first place, which follows
natural gaps in the pattern of man-made structures-although, for nearly
half a mile the gap is only the 100-yard width of a highway right-of-way,
with the System's troops controlling the other side. We plugged some open
areas with barbed wire and mines, and we torched buildings and brush
outside the enclave which might provide concealment or cover for snipers
or hostile troop concentrations .
But if the people in our
enclave want to leave, there is really no way our militia can stop more
than a few of them. We are depending on three things, much more than the
fear of being shot, to hold them. First, we have given the people order,
and we are doing a substantially better job of maintaining the order
inside our enclave than the government is doing outside it. After the dose
of chaos these people have swallowed, all but the most brainwashed "do
your own thing" types are hungry for authority and
discipline.
Second, we are well on the way to establishing
a subsistence economy in the enclave. We have a large water storage tank,
which we should be able to keep full just by pumping groundwater from
already-existing wells; there are two substantially intact food warehouses
and a nearly full grain silo; and there are four working farms-including
one dairy farm- with almost enough production capacity to feed half our
people. We are making up our present food deficit by raiding outside the
enclave, but by the time we've put everyone to work converting every
arable patch of ground to vegetable gardens, that shouldn't be
necessary.
Last, and perhaps not least, everyone in the
enclave is indisputably White-we dealt summarily with every questionable
case -while outside it is the usual godawful assortment of Whites, mostly
Whites, half-Whites, Gypsies, Chicanos, Puerto Ricans, Jews, Blacks,
Orientals, Arabs, Persians, and everything else under the sun: the
typical, cosmopolitan racial goulash one finds in every American
metropolitan area these days. Anyone who feels a need for a little
"brotherhood," Jewish style, can leave our enclave. I doubt that many will
feel the need.
November2. We had a long meeting this
afternoon at which we were briefed on the latest national developments and
given new priorities for our local action program.
There
has been remarkably little change in the national situation during the
past six weeks: the government has been able to do very little to restore
order in the devastated areas or to compensate for the damage done to the
nation's transportation network, its power generating and distribution
facilities, and the other essential components of the national economy.
The people are being left on their own to a very large extent, while the
System grapples with its own problems, not the least of which is its
renewed uncertainty over the reliability of its military
forces.
That lack of change is, in itself, very
encouraging, because it means that the System is not recovering the degree
of control over the country which it exercised prior to September 8. The
government has simply not been able to cope with the chaotic conditions
which now prevail throughout wide areas.
Our units have
been doing everything they can in the way of sabotage, of course, just for
the purpose of keeping things destabilized. But Revolutionary Command has
apparently been waiting to see what sort of intermediate-term situation
would gel before deciding the next phase of the Organization's
strategy.
The decision has now been made, and it is for us
to begin doing in many other places the sort of thing we did in Maryland
last month. We will be shifting a large part of the emphasis of our
struggle from guerrilla actions to public and semi-public organizing. That
is exciting news: it means a new escalation of our offensive-an escalation
which is only being undertaken because of our confidence that the tide of
battle is now running in our favor!
But the old phase of
the fight is by no means over, and one of the most worrisome dangers we
are facing is a large-scale military assault on California. Government
forces are now undergoing a rapid buildup in the southern California area,
and an invasion of the liberated zone seems imminent. If the System
succeeds in California, then it will certainly move similarly against
Baltimore and any other enclaves we may establish in the future, despite
our threats of nuclear retaliation.
The problem seems
to be a clique of conservative generals m the Pentagon who see us more as
a threat to their own authority than to the System itself. They have no
love for the Jews and are not particularly unhappy with the present state
of affairs, in which they are the de facto rulers of the country. What
they would like is to permanently institutionalize the present state of
martial law and then gradually restore order, bringing about a new status
quo based on their rather reactionary and shortsighted
ideas.
We, of course, are the fly in their ointment, and
they are moving to squash us. What makes them especially dangerous to us
is that they are not as afraid of our nuclear-reprisal capability as their
predecessors were. They know we can destroy more cities and kill a lot
more civilians, but they don't think we can kill them.
I
conferred privately with Major Williams of Washington Field Command for
more than an hour on the problem of attacking the Pentagon. The military's
other major command centers were either knocked out on September 8 or
subsequently consolidated with the Pentagon, which the top brass
apparently regard as impregnable.
And it damned near is. We
went over every possibility we could think of, and we came up with no
really convincing plan- except, perhaps, one. That is to make an air
delivery of a bomb.
In the massive ring of defenses around
the Pentagon there is a great deal of anti-aircraft firepower, but we
decided that a small plane, flying just above the ground, might be able to
get through the three-mile gauntlet with one of our 60-kiloton warheads.
One factor in favor of such an attempt is that we have never before used
aircraft in such a way, and we might hope to catch the anti-aircraft crews
off their guard.
Although the military is guarding all
civil airfields, it just happens that we have an old crop duster stashed
in a barn only a few miles from here. My immediate assignment is to
prepare a detailed plan for an aerial attack on the Pentagon by next
Monday. We must make a final decision at that time and then act without
further delay.