The Turner Diaries
March 24, 1993. Today I was tried on the charge of
Oathbreaking-the most serious offense with which a member of the Order can
be charged. It was a harrowing experience, but I knew it was coming, and I
am enormously relieved to have it behind me, despite the
outcome.
All during the months in my prison cell, I
agonized over the question: Did I, by failing to kill myself before I was
captured, break my Oath to the Order? I must have reviewed in my mind a
hundred times the circumstances of my capture and the subsequent events,
trying to convince myself that my behavior had been blameless, that I had
fallen alive into the hands of my captors through no fault of my own.
Today I related the whole sequence of events to a jury of my
peers.
The summons came this morning, via radio, and I knew
immediately what it was for, although I was surprised at the address to
which I was ordered to report: one of the newest and largest office
buildings in downtown Washington. As an attractive receptionist ushered me
into a conference room in a large suite of law offices, my apprehension
was mixed with gratitude for the three-day period of recuperation I had
been allowed since the breakout.
I had just slipped into
the robe which I found waiting for me on a coat-rack, when another door
opened and eight other robed and hooded figures walked into the room and
silently took seats around a large table. The last of the eight had his
hood pushed back, and I recognized the familiar features of Major
Williams.
The proceedings were brisk and bathed in an air
of formality. After a little more than an hour of questioning, I was told
to wait in a smaller, adjoining room. I waited there for nearly three
hours.
When the others had finally finished discussing my
case and had reached a decision, I was summoned back into the conference
room. While I stood at one end of the table, Major Williams, seated at the
other end, announced the verdict. His words, to the extent I can remember
them, were as follows:
"Earl Turner, we have weighed your
performance as a member of this Order on two grounds, and we have found
you wanting on both.
"First, in your conduct immediately
prior to the police raid in which you were seized and imprisoned, you gave
evidence of a shocking lack of maturity and sound judgment. Your
indiscretion in visiting the girl in Georgetown-an act which, although not
specifically forbidden, was not within the realm of your assigned
duties-led directly to a situation in which you and the members of your
unit were placed in extreme jeopardy, and a valuable facility was lost to
the Organization.
"Because of this failure of judgment on
your part, your period as a probationary member of the Order is being
extended for six months. Furthermore, your time as a prisoner will not
count as a part of your probation. Therefore, you will not be permitted
the rite of Union before March of next year, at the
earliest.
"We find, however, that your conduct prior to the
police raid does not constitute a violation of your
Oath."
I breathed an inaudible sigh of relief upon hearing
this last statement. But then Williams continued, with a grimmer note in
his voice:
"The fact that you were taken alive by the
political police and remained alive during nearly a month of interrogation
is a far more serious matter.
"In swearing your Oath, you
consecrated your life to the service of the Order. You undertook to place
your duty to the Order ahead of all other things, including the
preservation of your life, at all times. You accepted this obligation
willingly and with the knowledge that, for the duration of our struggle,
it entails a very substantial possibility of your actually having to give
up your life in order to avoid breaking your Oath.
"And you
were specifically warned against falling alive into the hands of the
political police and were given the means to avoid this. Yet you did fall
into their hands and remained alive. The information they extracted from
you seriously hampered the work of the Organization in this area and
placed many of your comrades in very grave danger.
"We
understand, of course, that you did not make a conscious decision to
violate your Oath. We have carefully looked into the circumstances of your
capture, and we are aware of the interrogation techniques the political
police now use against our people. If you were merely a soldier in any
other army in the world, you would be held blameless.
"But
the Order is not like any other army. We have claimed for ourselves the
right to decide the fate of all our people and, eventually, to rule the
world in accord with our principles. If we are to be worthy of this right,
then we must be willing to accept the responsibility which goes with
it.
"Each day we make decisions and carry out actions which
result in the deaths of White persons, many of them innocent of any
offense which we consider punishable. We are willing to take the lives of
these innocent persons, because a much greater harm will ultimately befall
our people if we fail to act now. Our criterion is the ultimate good of
our race. We can apply no lesser criterion to
ourselves.
"Indeed, we must be much sterner with ourselves
than with others. We must maintain for ourselves a standard of conduct
much higher than we demand of the general public or even of ordinary
members of the Organization. In particular, we must never accept the idea,
born of the sickness of our era, that a good excuse for nonperformance of
a duty is a satisfactory substitute for performance.
"For
us, there can be no excuses. Either we perform our duty, or we do not. If
we do not, we need no excuse; we simply accept the responsibility for
failure. And if there is a penalty, we accept that too. The penalty for
Oath-breaking is death."
The room was perfectly still, but
I could hear a buzzing in my ears, and the floor seemed to sway under my
feet. I stood in stunned silence until Williams began speaking again, this
time in a somewhat softer voice:
"The duty of this tribunal
is clear, Earl Turner. We must act in your case in such a way that every
member of this Order who may, at some time in the future, find himself in
circumstances similar to yours during the police raid on your
headquarters, will know that death is inevitable if he cannot avoid
capture-either an honorable death by his own hand or a less-than-honorable
death at the hands of his comrades later. There must be no
temptation
for him to avoid his duty, in the hope that a 'good excuse' later will
preserve his life.
"Some of us here today have argued that
this consideration- setting a firm example for others - should be the sole
determinant of your fate. But others of us have argued that, because you
had not yet achieved full membership in this Order at the time in
question- because you had not yet participated in the rite of Union-your
conduct can be reasonably judged by a different standard than would be
applied to someone who had completed his probationary period and achieved
Union.
"Our decision has not been easy, but now you must
hear it and you must abide by it. First, you must satisfactorily complete
your extended period of probation. Then, at some time after the end of
that period, you will be permitted Union-but only on a conditional basis,
something we have never allowed before. The condition will be that you
undertake a mission whose successful completion can reasonably be expected
to result in your death.
"Unfortunately, we are all too
often presented with the painful task of assigning such 'suicide missions'
to our members, when we can find no other way to achieve a necessary goal.
In your case, such a mission will serve two ends.
"If you
complete it successfully, the act of completion will remove the condition
from your Union. Then, even though you die, you will continue to live in
us and in our successors for as long as our Order endures, just as with
any other member who achieves Union and then loses his life. And if, by
some chance, you should survive your mission, you may then take your place
in our ranks with no stain on your record. Do you understand everything I
have said?"
I nodded, and answered: "Yes, I understand, and
I accept your judgment without reservation. It is just and proper. I have
never expected to survive the struggle in which we are now engaged, and I
am grateful that I will be allowed to make a further contribution to it. I
am also grateful that the prospect of Union remains before
me."
March 25. Today Henry came over, and he, Bill,
and I had a long talk. Henry is heading for the West Coast tomorrow, and
he wanted to help Bill fill me in on the developments of the past year
before he leaves. Apparently he will be engaged in training new recruits
and handling some of the Organization's other internal functions in the
Los Angeles area, where we are especially strong. When he greeted me he
showed me the Sign, and I knew that he had also become a member of the
Order.
In essence, what I learned today is what I had
already concluded in my prison cell: the Organization has shifted the main
thrust of its attacks from tactical, personal targets to strategic,
economic targets. We are no longer trying to destroy the System directly,
but are now concentrating on undermining the general public's support for
the System.
I have felt for a long time that this change is
necessary. Apparently two things forced Revolutionary Command to the same
conclusion: the fact that we were not recruiting enough new members to
make up our losses in the war of attrition against the System, and the
fact that neither our blows against the System nor the System's
increasingly repressive responses to those blows were having any really
decisive effect on the public's attitude toward the
System.
The first factor was mandatory. We simply could not
keep up our level of activity against the System as our casualties
steadily mounted, even if we wanted to. Henry estimated that the total
number of our front-line combat troops for the whole country- those ready
and able to use knife, gun, or bomb against the System-had declined to a
low point of about 400 persons last summer. Our front-line troops make up
only about a fourth of the Organization's membership, and they have been
suffering a greatly disproportionate casualty rate.
So, the
Organization was forced to de-escalate the level of the war temporarily,
while we still preserved a strong enough nucleus for another approach. Our
whole strategy against the System was failing.
It was
failing because the great bulk of White Americans were not responding to
the situation in the way we had hoped they would. That is, we had counted
on a positive, imitative response to our "propaganda of the deed," but it
was not forthcoming.
We had hoped that when we set the
example of resisting the System's tyranny, others would resist too. We had
hoped that by making dramatic strikes against top System personalities and
important System facilities, we would inspire Americans everywhere to
initiate similar actions of their own. But, for the most part, the
bastards just sat on their asses.
Sure, a dozen or so
synagogues were burned, and there was an overall rise in the level of
politically motivated violence, but it was generally misdirected and
ineffective. Without organization such activities have little value,
unless they are very widespread and can be sustained over a long
period.
And the System's response to the Organization
irritated many people and caused a lot of grumbling, but it didn't even
come close to provoking a rebellion. Tyranny, we have discovered, just
isn't all that unpopular among the American people.
What is
really precious to the average American is not his freedom or his honor or
the future of his race, but his pay check. He complained when the System
began busing his kids to Black schools 20 years ago, but he was allowed to
keep his station wagon and his fiberglass speedboat, so he didn't
fight.
He complained when they took away his guns five
years ago, but he still had his color TV and his backyard barbeque, so he
didn't fight.
And he complains today when the Blacks rape
his women at will and the System makes him show an identity pass to buy
groceries or pick up his laundry, but he still has a full belly most of
the time, so he won't fight.
He hasn't an idea in his head
that wasn't put there by his TV set. He desperately wants to be "well
adjusted" and to do and think and say exactly what he thinks is expected
of him. He has become, in short, just what the System has been trying to
make of him these past 50 years or so: a mass-man; a member of the great,
brainwashed proletariat; a herd animal; a true
democrat.
That, unfortunately, is our average White
American. We can wish that it weren't so, but it is. The plain, horrible
truth is that we have been trying to evoke a heroic spirit of idealism
which just isn't there any more. It has been washed right out of 99 per
cent of our people by the flood of Jewish-materialist propaganda in which
they have been submerged practically all their lives.
As
for the last one per cent, there are various reasons why they aren't doing
us much good. Some, of course, are too ornery to work within the confines
of the Organization-or any organized group; they can only "do their own
thing," as a number, in fact, are. The others may still have different
ideas of their own, or they simply may not have been able to make contact
with us since we were forced underground. Eventually we could recruit most
of these, but we no longer have the time.
What the
Organization began doing about six months ago is treating Americans
realistically, for the first time-namely, like a herd of cattle. Since
they are no longer capable of responding to an idealistic appeal, we began
appealing to things they can understand: fear and
hunger.
We will take the food off their tables and empty
their refrigerators. We will rob the System of its principal hold over
them. And, when they begin getting hungry, we will make them fear us more
than they fear the System. We will treat them exactly the way they deserve
to be treated.
I don't know why we held back from this
approach for so long. We have had the example of decades of guerrilla
warfare in Africa, Asia, and Latin America to instruct us. In every case
the guerrillas won by making the people fear them, not love them. By
publicly torturing to death village leaders who opposed them and by
carrying out brutal massacres of entire village populations which refused
to feed them, they inspired such terror in neighboring villages that
everyone was afraid to refuse them what they asked.
We
Americans observed all this but failed to apply the lesson to ourselves.
We regarded-correctly-all those non-Whites as mere herds of animals and
were not surprised that they behaved as they did. But we regarded
ourselves-incorrectly- as something better.
There was a
time when we were better-and we are fighting to insure that there will be
such a time again-but for now we are l merely a herd, being manipulated
through our basest instincts by a pack of clever aliens. We have sunk to
the point where we no longer hate our oppressors or try to fight them; we
merely fear l them and attempt to curry favor with them.
So
be it. We will suffer grievously for having allowed ourselves to fall
under the Jewish spell.
We stopped wasting our resources in
small-scale terror attacks and shifted to large-scale attacks on carefully
selected economic targets: power stations, fuel depots, transportation
facilities, food sources, key industrial plants. We do not expect to bring
down the already creaky American economic structure immediately, but we do
expect to cause a number of localized and temporary breakdowns, which will
gradually have a cumulative effect on the whole
public.
Already a sizable portion of the public has been
made to realize that it will not be allowed to sit back and watch the war
on TV in safety and comfort. In Houston, for example, hundreds of
thousands went for nearly two weeks without electricity last September.
The food in their refrigerators and freezers quickly spoiled, as did the
perishables in their supermarkets. There were two major food riots by
hungry Houstonians before the Army was able to set up enough relief
stations to handle everyone.
In one instance Federal troops
shot 26 persons in a mob trying to storm a government food depot, and then
the Organization got another riot started with the rumor that the
emergency rations the government was handing out were contaminated with
botulism. Houston isn't back to normal yet, with most of the city still
subject to a staggered six-hour-a-day power
blackout.
In Wilmington we put half the city on the
dole by blowing up two big DuPont plants. And we turned the lights off for
half of New England when we knocked out that power-generating station just
outside Providence.
The electronics manufacturer we hit in
Racine wasn't very big, but he was the sole supplier of certain key
components for other manufacturers all across the country. By torching his
plant, we eventually caused twenty others to shut down.
The
effects of these actions are not decisive yet, but, if we can keep it up,
they will be. The public reaction has already convinced us of
that.
That reaction can certainly not be considered
friendly to us, on the whole. In Houston a mob took two prisoners-suspects
arrested for questioning in one of the bombings-away from the police and
tore them limb from limb. Fortunately, they were not our people- just two
hapless fellows who were in the wrong place at the wrong
time.
And the conservatives, of course, have redoubled
their squawking and cackling that we're ruining all chances for an
improvement in conditions by "provoking" the government with our violence.
What the conservatives mean when they talk of an "improvement" is a
stabilization of the economy and another round of concessions to the
Blacks, so that everyone can return to consuming in multiracial
comfort.
But we learned long ago not to count our enemies,
only our friends. And the number of the latter is growing now. Henry
indicated that we have increased nearly 50 per cent in membership since
last summer. Apparently our new strategy has knocked a lot of spectators
off the fence-some on our side and some on the other. Perceptive people
are beginning to realize that they won't be able to sit this war out. We
are forcing them into the front lines, where they must choose sides and
participate, whether they like it or not.